Slovaks recall revolution and protest threat to democracy

“Our fathers, our parents and many of those that are here today fought for freedom and democracy. It is a gift that we must protect and pass on to our children,” Michal Simecka, leader of the opposition Progressive Slovakia (PS) party, told reporters as crowds thronged central Bratislava on Sunday to mark the 1989 demonstrations that led to the collapse of Czechoslovakia’s communist regime.
Just over three years after what became known as the Velvet Revolution, Czechoslovakia peacefully separated into two independent democratic states, the Czech Republic (Czechia) and Slovakia.
Thirty-five years on, Simecka’s words were a call for Slovaks to continue to resist what the opposition insists is a push by Prime Minister Robert Fico to tighten his grip on power.
Rallies across the country were also told how Fico’s efforts are part of a bid to detach Slovakia from the EU and NATO and pull it back towards the east.
“Today, when many Slovak politicians are questioning democracy, trying to rewrite history, limiting citizen participation, attacking free media and civil society, we want to express our respect and honor to our ancestors who, despite threats and personal risk, were able to stand up to Nazi and Communist totalitarianism,” proclaimed activists in the town of Topolcany.
Grigorij Meseznikov of the Slovak Institute for Public Affairs notes that the Slovak government organized no events to mark one of the country’s most prominent national holidays.
Fico, he told DW, is “systemically dismantling many of the democratic elements that the Velvet Revolution brought to the country.”
Ousted from power by mass protests following the 2018 shooting of journalist Jan Kuciak, Robert Fico spent three years in the political wilderness, battered by accusations of corruption and racketeering, before reclaiming the PM’s chair in late 2023.
Although his government has recently been rocked by infighting, it has pushed through reforms that have put both the opposition and the EU on edge.
Recent reports suggested that the EU could cut funds to Slovakia due to concerns over the rule of law. Although the government told DW that it is not concerned, the suggestion supports claims that Fico’s reforms come straight out of the playbook of Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban.
Orban has been accused of deconstructing democracy in neighboring Hungary by making changes to the justice, media and electoral systems. His government has had billions in EU funding frozen as a result.
Unlike his Hungarian counterpart, Fico plays nice in Brussels. But he shows little sign of moderating his course at home.
Since surviving an assassination attempt in May, Fico has pushed harder to cement his nominally left-leaning Smer party’s grip on power; not least, critics claim, because he fears he could end up in jail should his rivals take over.
During Fico’s time out of office, a special prosecutor and police units sought to dismantle the criminal networks he is accused of allowing to flourish while in power. He was even charged with personally running an organized crime gang from the PM’s office.
Within days of returning to power, Fico began pushing fast-track changes to the justice system that scrapped the units that had either jailed or were investigating dozens of figures close to Smer.
The media, whom Fico claims encouraged his shooting by whipping up hatred against him, was another of his early targets.
Public broadcaster RTVS has been effectively transformed into a government-controlled state media organization, independent media have suffered intimidation and been blocked from accessing state advertising revenues, and laws putting conditions on access to information and stipulating the right of reply for politicians have been adopted.
“The governing coalition is trying to … complicate the work of journalists and gain influence over the media landscape,” a journalist at a major Slovak broadsheet told DW on condition of anonymity.
Among the most worrying items on the Slovak PM’s agenda is a recent suggestion that Slovakia’s electoral rules be changed to the benefit of larger parties. The suggested rise in the vote threshold would make it harder for the country’s myriad political parties to enter parliament.
The idea has even alarmed Peter Pellegrini, a Fico protégé, who was elected president of Slovakia in June.
“I see it as an interference in people’s access to democracy, and I personally can never agree with that,” he declared.
Fico has also followed Orban’s lead in seeking to build ties with Russia and China, putting himself at odds with EU and NATO policy.
The Slovak premier shocked allies in October when he criticized EU support for Ukraine and sanctions against Russia in an interview for Russian state broadcaster Rossija 1.
Fico then set out on his “most important trip of the year” to Beijing, perhaps seeking payback for condemning an EU drive to impose tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, even though Slovakia’s economy is more dependent on car manufacturing jobs than any other country in the EU.
Fico’s eastward push was another major motivation for last weekend’s protests.
“Slovakia is and will be part of the Western civilization,” Frantisek Miklosko, who was among the leaders of the Velvet Revolution, told the crowd in Bratislava. “We don’t want anyone to move us toward Moscow.”
Nevertheless, surveys suggest that Slovak society is among the most pro-Russian in Europe. Although there were other significant issues in the runup to last year’s parliamentary election, Fico’s remarkable comeback in 2023 was also driven by promises that he would not send “a single bullet” to Ukraine.
That has plunged Slovakia deeper into a schism it was already struggling to escape. A year on from Fico’s return, the opposition PS now leads the polls and may yet get the opportunity to test its new-found strength.
Amid the government infighting, Fico has angrily hit out at the media for suggesting his coalition risks collapse. However, as he celebrated Smer’s 25th anniversary on Sunday, the PM urged the party to prepare for a possible snap election.
Grigorij Meseznikov suggests that events in Ukraine could determine which faction in Slovakia’s fragmented political landscape will get to try to cobble together the country’s next governing coalition. “But due to fragmentation, it’s the thresholds [for parties to enter parliament] that remain the key,” he warns.
Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan